Civics & Democracy 1 week Formal Seminar Small Group Breakouts

Should the US Lower the Voting Age?

The only seminar in the Year 1 rotation where students are arguing about their own rights, which makes it both the easiest to start and the hardest to run well. A handful of American cities already let sixteen-year-olds vote in local elections, and in the first one that tried it, teenagers turned out at four times the adult rate. The counter-argument is about maturity — and it runs straight into the fact that most adults cannot pass the citizenship test either.

Open the student page for this topic

Slide Deck

Open on risc-seminar.com

RISC seminar page · Teacher deck + required and optional readings

Digital Notebook

Make your own copy

Opens a copy in your own Google Drive

Required Readings

Links in the plan below

Two articles · one for, one against

01 / Plan

One-Week Instructional Plan

The Year 1 rhythm. This topic's deck isn't in the Year 1 materials folder — the week below was built from the two articles assigned to students plus the constitutional and turnout evidence they carry, and it runs as written. The RISC teacher deck is published on risc-seminar.com (linked above); pull it and Monday's data work becomes the deck's rather than the readings'.

Monday
Data Analysis

How the Line Got Drawn at Eighteen

Free write (5 min): should sixteen-year-olds be able to vote? Because students have an obvious stake here, ask the second question immediately — what would change your mind?

The constitutional history, which most students don't know:

  • The 26th Amendment, 1971 — the last national change, from 21 to 18. The argument was direct: eighteen-year-olds were being sent to Vietnam, and it seemed indefensible to send someone to war who couldn't vote for the leaders sending him.
  • What the amendment actually says — citizens 18 and older may not be denied the vote on account of age. It sets a floor, not a ceiling, which is why lowering the age locally is legal without amending anything.
  • Who controls elections — states do, under the Constitution. Cities can only change their own municipal elections. A national change to 16 would require an amendment: two-thirds of both houses of Congress and three-quarters of state legislatures.
  • Every other age threshold has moved the other way — the drinking age is 21, and unrestricted driving has moved to 17 or 18 in most states. The legal trend has been toward more maturity before responsibility, not less.

Where it has already happened: Takoma Park and Hyattsville, Maryland, both lowered the municipal voting age to 16. San Francisco put it on the ballot. Oakland became the largest city to allow it in school board elections. And 22 states already let 17-year-olds vote in primaries if they'll turn 18 before the general election.

Assign the readings — one for, one against, due before Tuesday:

The number to sit with: in Takoma Park's first election with 16- and 17-year-olds, 42% of registered teenagers voted, against 10.2% of registered adults. It is the single most useful fact in the week, and it complicates the "they aren't engaged" argument badly.
Tuesday
Position Breakouts

Both Cases, Fully Armed

Mindful moment (5 min), then breakouts. Both positions have real evidence, and each has a weak point worth finding:

  • Lower it. Voting is habitual — people who start young keep voting, and first voting while still living at home and enrolled in school makes the habit stick. Sixteen-year-olds already drive, work, pay taxes, can be tried as adults, and in some states can marry with consent. School boards decide things that affect students directly, and students are the one group with no vote over them. Research from Tufts' civic-learning centre finds that 16-year-olds have about the same political knowledge as slightly older voters.
  • Keep it at 18. The brain is still developing into the mid-20s, with moral reasoning and abstract thought maturing late. The 26th Amendment had a serious justification — military service — and there's no comparable one here. Municipal elections are of limited interest even to adults. And, as the Forbes piece puts it, the burden should fall on the people proposing the change: where's the evidence we need it?

The two strongest counter-punches, which each group should have to face:

  • Against the knowledge objection: most American adults cannot pass a basic civics test. Holding sixteen-year-olds to a standard the current electorate doesn't meet is hard to defend on principle.
  • Against the maturity objection: the brain research is about fast, emotional, in-the-moment decisions. Choosing a candidate is a slow decision made over weeks from accumulated information — which is the kind of thinking that matures earlier.
The inconsistency at the centre of the topic: as one Tennessee legislator put it, his state had just made it legal for an 18-year-old to carry a gun while arguing 16-year-olds lack the judgment to vote. Either we decide what young people can and cannot do coherently, or we're picking and choosing. Ask students to defend the whole set of age lines, not just this one.
Wednesday
Formal Seminar

Open the Discussion

Mindful moment (5 min), then the whole-group seminar:

  • Should the voting age be lowered nationally, only for local elections, or not at all?
  • Does a group deserve a vote over the institutions that govern it? In one county, nine school board members each represent about 6,500 students — and only about 7 in 100 of those students can vote for them.
  • Do small margins change the answer? Local races are routinely decided by a few hundred votes, so even a small expansion of the electorate is decisive.
  • Should there be any qualification for voting beyond age — a civics test, for instance? If that's a bad idea for adults, why would it be a good idea for teenagers?

Before students leave: themes, lingering questions, and one new resource for Thursday.

Thursday
Formal Seminar (cont'd)

What Would Actually Change

Mindful moment (5 min), then resources shared, then the practical half of the question. If sixteen-year-olds could vote, candidates would have to campaign to them — which advocates argue would make students more informed, not less.

  • Would candidates actually change what they talk about? Would that be good?
  • Schools reach nearly every young person, which is why advocates call this an equity issue — students with well-connected families already have other routes into politics.
  • If the voting age doesn't change, what else would raise youth participation? One Tennessee bill would simply have required high schools to teach eligible students how to register and vote. It failed.

Close by turning it back on them: what can students who cannot vote actually do — campaign, canvass, work the polls, contact their school board?

Friday
Reflection & Self-Evaluation

Score Your Participation

The four reflective questions, then the participation matrix. Students also use the participation rubric to score the week and explain the score.

02 / Facilitation

Notes for the Guide

Students have a direct personal interest in the answer here, which produces enthusiasm and, left unchecked, produces a room where everyone agrees loudly. Plan for that specifically.

Guard Against the Easy Consensus

  • Most classes will break heavily toward "yes." Assign the against-position group rather than letting it volunteer, and give it the Forbes piece plus the brain-development research so it has real material.
  • Push the pro-side past self-interest. "We should get to vote because it affects us" applies to eleven-year-olds too. Ask where the line goes and why it goes there.
  • A useful pressure test: would you still favour lowering the age if you knew teenagers voted the opposite way from you?

The Evidence Worth Getting Right

  • Takoma Park: 42% turnout among registered 16–17-year-olds against 10.2% among registered adults. Note the qualifier — registered — and ask whether teenagers who register are a self-selecting group. That's a genuine methodological objection, and a strong student will find it.
  • The habit claim is the pro-side's best argument and its least intuitive: turnout is strongly predicted by whether someone voted young, while living at home and in school.
  • The brain research cuts both ways. It's real, and it's about hot, immediate decisions. Whether voting is that kind of decision is exactly the argument — don't let either side treat "neuroscience says so" as settled.

Where Discussion Tends to Go

  • Partisanship surfaces fast. The Forbes piece says outright that support for this is partisan. That's a claim students can examine rather than a reason to avoid it — ask whether an argument is weaker because someone benefits from it.
  • The age-threshold inventory works well. Have students list every age line they can name — driving, working, taxes, military, marriage, criminal responsibility, drinking, renting a car — and try to find the principle. There isn't one, and discovering that is the lesson.
  • Local versus national is where most rooms actually land, and it's a real position rather than a compromise: school boards are the government closest to students' lives.

Adapting This Topic

  • Deck: the two readings carry the week on their own, so this plan needs no deck — but the RISC teacher deck and its required and optional readings are published on risc-seminar.com if you want the data slides. The turnout figures in the Knoxville piece come from Tufts' Center for Information & Research on Civic Learning and Engagement.
  • Local hook: find your own district's most recent school board margin. Students take the whole question more seriously once they see a race decided by a few hundred votes.
  • Short week: merge Wednesday and Thursday; keep the age-threshold inventory, which is where the actual reasoning happens.
  • Pairs well with: the social media censorship topic — both are about who gets to participate and who decides.